The Franco Regime (1939-1975): Development and Legacy in Spain

The Franco Regime (1939-1975)

Vestiges of Francoism Today

The trail of Francoism is still present in Spain in the corners of cities, on the façades of houses and on street signs. Many symbols have already been removed in the light of the 2007 Law of Historical Memory, but 15 years later we are still surrounded by vestiges that exalt the military uprising of 1936, the Civil War or Franco's regime.

The Law of Historical Memory

The Law of Historical Memory was a law passed in 2007 by the Congress of Deputies. This law included the recognition of all victims of the Spanish civil war and Franco's dictatorship. The law provided for the removal of all Francoist symbols that commemorated or exalted the Franco regime in the streets of towns and cities, as well as in churches and buildings. Curiously, it also granted Spanish nationality to the international brigadistas as well as to the children of exiles. However, right-wing political groups have criticised the law as opening old wounds and have tried to repeal it, as in the case of Aragon, where the PP and VOX annulled the Law of Democratic Memory.

After the triumph of the national side in 1939, Franco began a military dictatorship that lasted until his death in 1975. Franco's regime was a personal dictatorship of military origin, which embodied the values of the victors of the Civil War

Characteristics of Francoism

General Characteristics of Franco's Regime

• Franco accumulated all the powers of the State (Head of State and Government, Generalissimo of the Armies, Head of the single party- FET-JONS).
• Ideologically: rejection of democracy, anti-communism, unitary conception of Spain and conservative Catholicism.
• Militarism: Franco applied to the country a militaristic regime, based on uniforms, parades, military marches, instruction in schools and a constant exaltation of military values: sacrifice, obedience, discipline ...

Supports of the Regime

Internal Supports of Francoism

Francoism accentuated the social division of the country that had emerged from the Civil War. The dictatorship relied on landowners and industrialists, who recovered their properties and exercised complete control over social life. It also had broad support among the middle classes, especially in the rural areas of the north, where the influence of the church was greater, who of course supported the regime from the beginning.

The Army's Loyalty to the Regime

The army always remained loyal to the regime and ensured law and order. They were the victors of the war and had numerous privileges many of them becoming ministers of the regime.

Limited Support and Repression

On the contrary, the dictatorship had little support among day laborers, workers and a large part of the urban classes that had supported the republic. Rejection did not turn into opposition because of the violent repression and the moral collapse after the defeat, but the regime indefinitely maintained the division of the country between winners and losers.

Ideological Tendencies Supporting Francoism

Although the parties were banned, Francoism was supported by a series of ideological tendencies, called the families of the regime: Army, Falange, Catholics and Technocrats. The latter were important from the sixties onwards. Falange Catholics Technocrats 1939 1945 1959 1975 Línea del tiempo franquismo

External Supports of the Regime

In 1939 Franco signed an association agreement with the Axis powers (Italy and Germany). The regime was fully identified with fascism. In 1940 Franco and Hitler met in Hendaye, and although they did not reach an agreement for Spain's entry into the war, Caudillo maintained his aid to Germany, including sending the Blue Division to the Russian front in 1941. However, from 1942 onwards, Franco began to distance himself from the Fascist powers, as the tide of the war began to turn in favor of the Allies.

Hunger and Post-War Repression

Economic Catastrophe and Corruption

At the end of the war, the country had been devastated. The fall in agricultural production and a catastrophic economic policy caused hunger to reach the entire population, which led the authorities to establish ration cards. Food hoarding and the black market, known as estraperlo, which benefited speculators and traffickers close to the regime, quickly emerged. Misery spread especially among the defeated, who could not get recommendations for employment. Corruption spread throughout the country, thanks to the impunity of those addicted to the regime, who were able to accumulate large fortunes through hoarding and contracts with the state. Teroand SCHUHE

Repression and Control System

The law of political responsibilities of 1939 was used to judge, sentence and execute thousands of prisoners, while many others died of hunger or disease in the prisons and concentration camps that sprang up all over the country. This repression also extended to the families of the prisoners, who were socially isolated and watched over by a whole system of control and denunciation organized by the authorities.

Ley Constitutiva de las Cortes (1942)

Another important law was Ley Constitutiva de las Cortes (1942), which established the procedure for electing the Cortes In practice, the elections were totally rigged and the representatives elected were those the government wanted. The reality: the Cortes passed automatically the laws that the government sent them. Its members were appointed by the leadership of the regime, not by of the regime, not by democratic election.

Fuero de los Españoles (1945)

Finally, the Fuero de los Españoles (1945) was approved, a theoretical declaration of rights and duties permeated by the declaration of rights and duties impregnated with the traditionalist and Catholic mentality. It did not entail any real recognition of political or social rights.

Post-War Society and Inequality

The Spanish post-war society was characterized by the enormous gap that separated an elite of businessmen, landowners, high-ranking officials, and leaders of the dictatorship, who monopolized wealth and led ostentatious lives, from the rest of the population, which barely managed to survive due to food shortages and high prices on the black market. wwwwwtodocoleccion.net

Development of the Regime

Falange and Totalitarian State (1939-45)

This period coincides with the Second World War. Franco did not hide his sympathies for the Axis powers, as he demonstrated by sending the Blue Division to the Russian front. From 1942 onwards, Franco tried to improve his relations with the Allies. At this time, the Falange (members of FET y de las JONS) controlled all the ministries.

Isolation and Autarky (1945-50)

In 1945, the Allies decided to isolate the Franco regime. They forbade Spain's entry into the UN and recommended the withdrawal of its ambassadors. The country was isolated, subjected to an economic and diplomatic blockade. We must bear in mind that at this time the fascist dictatorships had just lost the war to the Allies, which brought the Franco regime into discredit.

Breaking Out of Isolation (1950-1959)

The beginning of the Cold War changed Spain's situation. The United States and its allies preferred to ignore the fascist character of the regime, in order to incorporate the country as an ally against the communist bloc. In 1950 the sending of ambassadors was allowed again, and the country began to join international organizations. Us US X Franco bids farewell to President Eisenhower after his official visit to Spain in 1959.

International Treaties and Alliances

Two important international treaties were signed that same year.

• The agreement with the United States established the construction of four land bases and one naval base, theoretically for joint use and under Spanish sovereignty, but in practice totally in the hands of the United States. In exchange, Spain got technical assistance, food and military supplies. . The other agreement was the signing of the Concordat with the Vatican, which consolidated the alliance between the Church and the Francoist State and the opening of the country to the outside world. A standardization that would culminate with Spain's entry into the UN in 1955.

"Desarrollismo" (1959-1973)

In 1957, there was a change of government, with the entry of a group of Catholics from a fundamentalist sect, Opus Dei, with a technical and economic background (tecnocratas) At their head was Admiral Carrero Blanco, who had become the Caudillo's right-hand man. It was they who convinced Franco of the need to change economic policy. In 1959, a programme of reforms, known as the stabilisation plan, was approved, aimed at containing inflation, devaluing the peseta and opening the country to foreign investment. The aim was to settle down the foundations for the country's economic take-off.

Economic Growth and Cultural Revolution

The effects began to be felt from 1962 onwards. Foreign investment arrived, especially in industry and banking. Production began to grow, as did exports and foreign currency inflows from tourism and emigrant remittances. Over the next ten years, the economy grew steadily and at a strong pace. Consumption increased and the standard of living of the middle classes improved significantly. Spain became an important tourist destination, leading to the arrival of foreign influences that provoked the opening of the regime. Cultural revolution

Development Plans and Industrial Promotion

In order to control expansion, the government launched planes de desarrollo in 1963. These were a series of three-year targets in key sectors. Development poles were also introduced, areas in which industries were encouraged to set up in an attempt to bring depressed areas out of backwardness. LA ECONOMÍA DURANTE EL FRANQUISMO La Coruña Bilbao Oviedo Villagarcía de Arosa Vigo Garoña Logroño S < Burgos Valladolid Zaragoza Vandellós Tarragona Zorita Castellón de la Plana M Puertollano Polos de desarrollo industrial 4 Polos de promoción industrial M Refinerías de petróleo Escombreras Sevilla Más de 1.500 % Granada Santa Cruz de Tenerife De 1.250 a 1.500 % De 1.000 a 1.250 % Algeciras Menos de 1.000 % Córdoba Huelva Crecimiento del PIN al coste de los factores entre 1955 y 1975 Centrales nucleares